What bokononists whisper whenever they think of how complicated and unpredictable the machinery of life really is.


By Elton Beard

There are two kinds of people in the world, those who divide people into two kinds and those who don't. I don't.


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ARCHIVE ARCHIVE ARCHIVE

Sunday, March 23, 2003
9:30 AM PT

Compassionate Conservatism

"I'm from the U.S. Government, and I'm here to help you."

Friday, March 21, 2003
1:00 PM PT

Meet the new boss, same as the old boss.

Despite George W. Bush's physical possession of the presidency, few believe that this loutish and obtuse pretender is actually calling many of the shots in his administration. So who's the real boss? Is it Rove? Cheney? A shifting coalition of convenience?

Who's in command?
We can now identify at least one of Bush's superiors, based on information recently revealed in this NY Times article:

During a White House planning session with his top military advisers late last month, President Bush turned to Gen. Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, with a pressing question: How long would war with Iraq last?

But before General Myers could respond, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld put a hand on his arm and said, "Now, Dick, you don't want to answer that."

Is there any question of who's in charge here?

A man who can tell the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to ignore the (ostensible) Commander in Chief's direct request for information is a man in control. To him Bush is an inferior, whose order can be countermanded. Which means that Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, described by no less and expert than Henry Kissinger as "the most ruthless man I ever met", is the real President of the United States.

Or at least one of his bosses.

Thursday, March 20, 2003
8:00 AM PT

An illegitimate president launches an illegitimate war.

And how does Mr. Bush feel about unleashing his murderous attack machine? From ABC News:

Moments before his four-minute address announced by his press secretary a mere half-hour earlier was beamed worldwide, Bush showed his mood. Clenching his fist, he said, "I feel great."

Live by the sword, die by the sword. We are all George Bush's Special Purpose now.

Wednesday, March 19, 2003
5:30 PM PT

A critical distinction.

For uttering a rather innocuous and sensible statement, Senator Tom Daschle (D-SD) was recently attacked and vilified by top congressional Republicans and their allies in the media (details at Uggabugga). Here is what Daschle said:

I'm saddened, saddened that this president failed so miserably at diplomacy that we're now forced to war. Saddened that we have to give up one life because this president couldn't create the kind of diplomatic effort that was so critical for our country.
Yet Mr. Bush asserted essentially the same facts in his Letter to Congress last night:
(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic and other peaceful means alone will neither (A) adequately protect the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq...
Mr. Bush and Sen. Daschle both agree that the administration's diplomatic maneuvers have failed to avert a war, but only Daschle was demonized for saying so. Why? What's the critical difference?

Since one would never suspect Republicans of playing politics with matters of war and peace, and the media is always fair and balanced of course, the point of contention must be this: that Daschle expressed sadness about the killing about to ensue. Bush did not. (Daschle also assigned the responsibility for the failure to Bush but that's hardly arguable, unless the buck stops elsewhere. So that can't be the issue.)

The logic of the Republican and media response is this:

  • To express sadness at the prospective loss of life from the pending war, and regret that diplomacy has failed to avert it, is divisive, brazen, irresponsible, disheartening, shameful and nearly treasonous.

  • To declare that diplomacy has failed and war is inevitable with a palpable enthusiasm for conflict, a discernable lack of reflection and a swaggering arrogance - is perfectly fine.
Just so we know what the rules are.

Tuesday, March 18, 2003
9:00 PM PT

Ambient Alert.

Create your own signage here.

10:00 AM PT

Prof. Howard Zinn
A Coalition of the Killing. Following Mr. Bush's ultimatum to Mr. Hussein, Jim Lehrer discussed the issue with four historians on PBS's NewsHour. Most notable was what Professor Emeritus Howard Zinn of Boston University had to say.

JIM LEHRER: Howard Zinn, what did you think of the president's case for war?

HOWARD ZINN: Well, as Robert Dallek, says it's the usual case but the one thing that is missing in so much of the discussion is that we are going to kill a lot of people in this operation. It's all well and good to talk about the promise of a different Iraq, a democratic and free Iraq, a promise which is very dubious considering the history of the United States.

It's a history in which it has not been very good at creating democracy, a history in which it has rather supported dictatorships around the world, but we are going to kill -- and think of it this way -- we talk about Saddam Hussein and what he's doing to the people of Iraq -- we are going to kill the victims of Saddam Hussein. The civilians of Baghdad are going to be living under terrorism.

We are concerned about terrorism. War is terrorism. The people of Baghdad are going to be terrorized. Shock and all, we are going to unleash enormous numbers of bombs on the cities and villages of Baghdad. Now we can't... that is certain. What is uncertain is the future. When you face certain horrors in war and uncertainties about the outcome, morally you cannot go along with this war.

And I think that's why most of the world is outraged at what the United States is about to do. They are right. President Bush is right now the greatest danger to world peace. He is also the greatest danger to our young men and women whom he is sending into combat. Those who die, not just those who die in Iraq, but those people in our armed forces who die, they will die because President Bush has grandiose ambitions for American power in the world. They will die because of oil. They will die because of politics. They will die because of the need of the United States government to expand its power. Those are not good reasons for people to die -- there or here.

Earlier, Prof. Zinn expressed his - and my - view of the bottom line:
... it's a shameful moment actually in American history, the idea that we are going to attack a nation that is not attacking us, that is not attacking anybody else.
Shameful indeed.

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Busy, busy, busy.

What bokononists whisper whenever they think of how complicated and unpredictable the machinery of life really is.


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